Marsilius of
Padua: Defensor pacis
(1324)
Introduction
By the early fourteenth century, the medieval
dominance of papal authority was being undermined by the growing independence
of kings and princes across Europe. Intellectuals
such as Marsilius of Padua (c. 1290-1343), would challenge
the church in such a way as to give impetus to both the western concept of
separation of church and state as well as the modern proclivity of consensual
over singular rule.
As the result of some costly wars during the
1290s, Philip IV of France (1285-1314) decided to collect additional revenue by
taxing the church. The church, however,
prohibited taxing its property without papal permission and Pope Boniface VIII
(1294-1303) threatened excommunication to those who would tax the clergy and
those clergy who paid. In response
Philip stopped all papal revenue from France and imprisoned a French
bishop. In 1303 Boniface issued Unam sanctam which
held that the pope had the power to appoint or remove temporal rulers, which
prompted Philip to attack the papal palace at Anagni
in September 1303 and capture the pope, who died a short time later.
At the heart of this struggle was determining
the proper relationship between the church and the state. For centuries the papacy had exercised
control over secular rulers. In his 1075
Dictatus papae Pope
Gregory VII argued that the pope had the power to depose emperors and could be
judged by no one. Such was the influence
of the medieval papacy that Urban II was able to call Europeans together for
the First Crusade in 1095, raising some 35,000 men at arms.
Europe suffered devastating consequences over
the course of this century-long struggle between the papacy and secular rulers following
Unam sanctam. During this time the papal residence moved to
Avignon, France for nearly seven decades of what became known as the
“Babylonian Captivity;” Europe lost as much as a third of its population during
the Black Death; and, after 1378, the Great Schism occurred in which there were
two or, at one point, three popes claiming the title until 1417. As a result the
church and, specifically, the papacy suffered an irreversible decline in
prestige during this period.
In the early part of this struggle, Paris was
royalist, anti-papal, and was abandoning its dogged medieval scholasticism in
favor of the idea that humans could use reason to create a rational
society. It was here in 1324 that Marsilius of Padua, rector of the University of Paris,
wrote Defensor pacis,
which lays out a series of arguments against the power of the church and in
favor of a purely secular state.
Departing from traditional arguments regarding
papal power, Marsilius asserts that the civil community, or state is the cohesive and most powerful
element in society. He agrees with Conciliarists that as in the early church, decisions should
be reached by periodic assemblies or church councils. Like Humanists after him, Marsilius
turns back to original sources to substantiate his argument that even the
church should be subject to the state.
This is clear when he references Christ, who allowed himself
to be judged and punished by a representative of the Roman emperor. Marsilius claims,
therefore, that because the state operates with the consent of the people and
exercises coercive authority over the political community, it has the same
authority regarding the church, which becomes for Marsilius
a state institution that should not even own property. Not until the
Reformation was anyone willing to go as far in subjecting the church to state
authority.
Marsilius also attacks the power
of the church on a theological level.
Predating Martin Luther by two centuries, he states that eternal life is
not won through meritorious works but through God’s grace. While he concedes that priests perform a
service in the administration of sacraments, they have no claim to authority
since, citing Ambrose, “the word of God remits sins.” Building on this lack of authority, he argues
that there is no scriptural basis for the preeminence of the pope over other
bishops in Christianity and ultimately denies the premise of medieval papal
political theory that, as God’s vicar on earth, the pope has power over kings
and princes.
Shortly after writing his treatise, Marsilius fled to Nuremberg and the protection of Emperor
Louis of Bavaria, who was at war the current pope. He was excommunicated in 1327. While the papacy would regain some prestige
and power by the end of the fifteenth century, much had been lost. Marsilius, in fact,
unwittingly characterizes the papacy of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
when he states “temporal power and greed, and lust of authority and rule is not
the spouse of Christ … but has expressly repudiated it.”
Marsilius of Padua: Defensor pacis (1324)
Now we declare according to the truth and on the authority of
Aristotle that the law-making power or the first and real effective source of
law is the people or the body of citizens or the prevailing part of the people
according to its election or its will expressed in general convention by vote,
commanding or deciding that something be done or omitted in regard to human
civil acts under penalty or temporal punishment; by the prevailing part of the
people I mean that part of the community by whom the law is made, whether the
whole body of citizens or the main part do this or commit it to some person or
persons to be done; these last are not nor can be the real law-making power,
but can only act according to instructions as to subject-matter and time, and
by the authority of the primal law-making power. . . . On the authority of
Aristotle by a citizen I mean him who has a part in the civil community, either
in the government, or the council, or the judiciary, according to his position.
By this definition boys, slaves, foreigners, and women
are excluded, though according to different limitations. Having thus defined
citizen and the prevailing section of the citizens, let us return to the object
proposed, namely to demonstrate that the human authority of making laws belongs
only to the whole body of citizens as the prevailing part of it.
For the primal human authority of making
laws belongs to that body by whom the best laws can be made. This,
however, is the whole body of citizens or its better part which represents the
whole. . . . I now prove the second proposition, namely that the best law will
result from the deliberation and decision of the whole body. . . . That this
can be done best by the citizens as a whole or the better part of them, I
demonstrate thus, since the truth of anything will be judged more accurately,
and its common advantage be studied more diligently, if the whole body of
citizens discuss it with intelligence and feeling. . . . So the reality of a
general law will be best attended to by the whole people, because no one consciously
injures himself.
On the other side we desire to adduce in witness the truths
of the holy Scripture, teaching and counseling expressly, both in the literal
sense and in the mystical according to the interpretation of the saints and the
exposition of other authorized teachers of the Christian faith, that neither
the Roman bishop, called the pope, nor any other bishop, presbyter, or deacon,
ought to have the ruling or judgment or coercive jurisdiction of any priest,
prince, community, society or single person of any rank whatsoever.
. . . For the present purposes, it suffices to show, and I
will first show, that Christ Himself did not come into the world to rule men,
or to judge them by civil judgment, nor to govern in a temporal sense, but
rather to subject Himself to the state and condition of this world; that indeed
from such judgment and rule He wished to exclude and did exclude Himself and
His apostles and disciples, and that He excluded their successors, the bishops
and presbyters, by His example, and word and counsel and command from all
governing and worldly, that is, coercive rule. I will also show that the
apostles were true imitators of Christ in this, and that they taught their
successors to be so. I will further demonstrate that Christ arid His apostles
desired to be subject and were subject continually to the coercive jurisdiction
of the princes of the world in reality and in person, and that they taught and commanded
all others to whom they gave the law of truth by word or letter, to do the same
thing, under penalty of eternal condemnation. Then I will give a section to
considering the power or authority of the keys, given by Christ to the apostles
and to their successors in offices, the bishops and presbyters, in order that
we may see the real character of that power, both of the Roman bishop and of
the others.
We wish, therefore, first to demonstrate that Christ wished
to exclude and did exclude both Himself and His apostles from the office of
ruler. This appears in John, 18. For when Christ
was accused before Pontius Pilate, vicar of the Roman emperor
in Judea, for saying that he was king of the Jews, and Pilate asked Him if He
had said that, or if He had called Himself a king, He replied to the question
of Pilate: “My kingdom is not of this world;” that is, I am come not to reign
by temporal rule and dominion, as the kings of the world reign It remains to
show that Christ not only refused the rule of this world and coercive
jurisdiction on earth, whereby He gave an example for action to His apostles
and disciples and their successors, but that He also taught by word and showed
by example that all, whether priests or not, should be subject in reality and
in person to the coercive judgment of the princes of this world. By His word
and example Christ demonstrated this first in physical things, in the incident
contained in Matthew 22, when to the Jews asking Him: “Tell us, therefore, what
thinkest Thou; is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar or not?” looking at the
penny and its superscription, he replied: “Render, therefore, unto Caesar the
things which are Caesar’s, and unto God the things which are God’s.” . . .
Further not only in physical things did Christ show that He
was subject to the coercive jurisdiction of a prince of the world, but He showed
it also in Himself for it plainly appears that He permitted Himself to be taken
and led to the court of Pilate, vicar of the Roman emperor, and endured that He
be condemned and handed over by the same judge to the extreme punishment.
Following upon this, it remains to demonstrate what power,
authority and judgment Christ wished to give to the apostles and their
successors, and did in fact give according to the words of the holy Scripture. Among other things which seem to have direct
reference to this are the words which Christ spoke to Peter, Math. 16: “I will
give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven;” also those spoken by Him to
all the apostles, when He said: “Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be
bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in
heaven.” On these words especially is based the claim and title to the
plenitude of power, which the Roman bishop ascribes to himself.
By the sacrament of baptism, which Christ commanded to be
administered by the apostles, He caused them to understand also the
administration of the other sacraments instituted for the eternal salvation of
mankind; one of these is the sacrament of repentance by which the actual guilt
of the human soul, both mortal and venial, is destroyed, and the soul, corrupt
in itself through guilt, is restored by the grace of God, without any human
effort, God ordaining that meritorious works should not win eternal life. Hence
it is written in Romans VI: “The gift of God is eternal life.” The ministers of
this sacrament, as of the others, are the priests and presbyters, as successors
of the apostles of Christ, to all of whom it is shown by the aforesaid words of
Scripture the power of the keys was given, that is, the power of conferring the
sacrament of repentance, in other words, the power of loosing and binding men
in regard to their sins It will appear later how it is possible for priests to
receive into or exclude from the kingdom ; and from this also the character and
extent of the power of those keys, given by Christ to Peter and the other
apostles By his guilt the sinner is under the bond of eternal condemnation for
the future life, and if he persists in his guilt, he is cast off from the
association of the faithful in this world, by a kind of punishment resting with
the believers of Christ, called excommunication. And on the other hand we
should notice that the sinner receives a three-fold benefit through his sorrow
for sin and open confession to the priests, to which acts, both singly and
taken together, the name repentance is given. The first benefit is that he is
cleansed from his inner guilt and restored to himself by the grace of God; the
second, that he is freed from the bond of eternal damnation, to which he was
bound by his guilt; and the third, that he is reconciled to the church, that
is, he is reunited or ought to be reunited to the body of believers. . . .
From these words of the saints . . . it clearly appears that
God alone remits to the truly penitent sinner his guilt and his debt of eternal
condemnation, and that without any office of the priest preceding or
intervening, as has been demonstrated above. For it is God alone who cannot err
as to whose sin should be remitted or retained. For He alone is not moved by
unfair feeling nor judges unjustly. Not of such character is the church or the
priest whoever he may be, even the Roman bishop The anathema of the church
inflicts upon those who are justly expelled, this punishment: that the grace
and protection of God is withdrawn from them and is abandoned by them
themselves, so that they are free to rush into the destruction of sin, and
greater power of destroying them is given to the devil.
Ambrose says that “the word of God remits sins; the priest
performs his service but has no right of authority. But we may say that the
priest is as it were the turnkey of the heavenly judge, so that he frees the
sinner in the same sense that the turnkey of an earthly judge frees a prisoner.
For just as the guilty man is condemned to or released from guilt and civil
penalty by the word or sentence of a judge of this world, so by the divine word
anyone is either to be freed from or condemned to guilt and the debt of
damnation and the punishment of the future life. And just as no one is freed
from guilt and penalty or condemned by the action of the turnkey of a worldly
judge, and yet by his action in closing or opening the prison the guilty one is
shown to be freed or condemned, so no one is freed from or bound to guilt and
the debt of eternal condemnation by the action of the priest, but it is
demonstrated before the eyes of the church who is held bound or freed by God,
when he receives the benediction of the priest, or is admitted to the communion
of the sacraments.” . . . Therefore just as the turnkey of an earthly judge
fulfills his office in opening and closing the prison, but exercises no right
of judicial authority of condemning or pardoning, since even if he actually
opened the prison for a criminal not pardoned by the judge and announced to the
people with his own voice that the man was free, the guilty man would not on
this account be freed from his guilt and the civil penalty, or on the other
hand if he refused to open the prison and declared with his own words that he
whom the judge had freed by his sentence was not pardoned but condemned, that
man would not on this account be held subject to the guilt and penalty; so
likewise the priest, the turnkey of the heavenly judge, performs his duty by
the verbal pronunciation of the absolution or malediction. But if those who
ought to be condemned by the divine judge or are already condemned, the priest
should pronounce as not worthy to be condemned or as not condemned, or vice
versa, through ignorance or deceit or both, not on this account would the
former be dissolved or the latter damned, because the priest had not handled
the key or keys with discretion according to the merits of the accused.
Proceeding from what has been demonstrated, we will show here
first that no one of the apostles was given pre-eminence over the other in
essential dignity by Christ For Christ, giving to the apostles the authority
over the sacrament of the eucharist, said to them; “This is My Body which is
given for you, this do in remembrance of Me.” . . . And he did not say these words
more to Peter than to the others. For Christ did not say: “Do thou this, and
give the right of doing it to the other apostles,” but He said, “Do” in the plural,
and to all without distinction And later Christ said to the apostles: “As My
Father has sent Me, even so send I you. He breathed on
them and saith unto them, “Receive ye the Holy Ghost, whosesoever sins ye
remit, they are remitted unto them, and whosoever sins ye retain, they are
retained.” Now Christ said: “I send you as My Father sent Me”;
He did not say to Peter or to any other apostle in the singular, “I send thee
as the Father, etc., do thou send the others.” Nor again did Christ breathe
upon him, but upon them, not upon one through another. Nor did Christ say to
Peter: “Receive the Holy Ghost, and afterwards give it to the others,” but he
said, Receive, in the plural and speaking to all indifferently.
It likewise appears that neither St. Peter nor any one of the
apostles had pre-eminence over the others in the right of distributing the
temporal offerings of the primitive church; whence it is written in Acts IV: “For
as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and laid them at the
apostles’ feet, and distribution was made unto every man according as he had
need.” Behold, the distribution of the temporal offerings of the church was
made by the apostles in general, not by Peter alone; for it is not said: they
laid them at the feet of Peter; but of the apostles. Nor it is said that “Peter
distributed them,” but that “distribution was made.” . . .
But if Peter has been called the prince of the apostles by
some of the saints, the term is used broadly and by a misuse of the word
prince, otherwise it would be plainly opposed to the opinion and oracle of
Christ, where He said: “The princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over
them, but it shall not be so among you.” And it must be said that the saints
spoke thus not because of any power given to him by Christ over the other
apostles, but because perchance he was older than the others: or because he was
the first to confess that Christ was the true consubstantial Son of God, or
perhaps because he was more fervent and constant in faith, or because he was
intimate with Christ and was more frequently called by Him into His counsel and
secrets.
Moreover he did not have coercive jurisdiction over the rest
of the apostles more than they over him, neither consequently have his
successors. For Christ forbade this to them directly, as in Matt. 20, Luke 22:
And there was also a strife among them, which of them should be counted the
greatest. And He said unto them: The kings and princes of the Gentiles exercise
dominion over them, and they that are great exercise authority upon them, but
it shall not be so among you;” Christ could not have denied this more plainly. Why
then should anyone in regard to this believe more in human tradition, than in
the most evident word of Christ? . . .
Further, the Roman bishop is not nor should he be called the
successor of St. Peter by the laying on of hands, for there has been a Roman
bishop upon whom St. Peter has not laid his hand either directly or indirectly;
nor again because of the seat or the determination of the place, first because
no one of the apostles was appointed to any people or any place by divine law;
for he said to all: “Go ye therefore and teach all nations”; and in the second
place, St. Peter is said to have been at Antioch before he was at Rome.
The aforesaid plenitude of power the bishops of Rome have
used continually up to the present and are now using for the worse, especially
against the Roman prince and principality. For they are able to exercise
against him this their wickedness, that is, the subjection of the empire to
themselves, because of the division among the inhabitants of the empire, and
are able by their so-called pastors and most holy fathers to stir up and
nourish the discord already incited. For they further believe that, the empire
once subdued, the way lies open for them to subject the rest of the kingdoms,
although they are especially and peculiarly under obligation to the emperor and
empire of the Romans, by reason of benefits received, as is known to all. But,
to speak only of what is known to everyone and needs no word from us, smitten
with cupidity and avarice, with pride and ambition, made even worse by
ingratitude, they are seeking in every way to prevent the creation of a Roman
emperor, and are striving either to break up the empire, or to transfer it in
another form to their own control, lest the excesses which they have committed
should be corrected by the power of the aforesaid princes and they should be
subject to well merited discipline. But although with the purpose which we have
mentioned they are placing obstructions in the way of the prince on every side,
yet craftily hiding their object they say they are doing this to defend the
rights of the spouse of Christ, that is the church, though such pious sophistry
is ridiculous. For temporal power and greed, and lust of authority and rule is
not the spouse of Christ, nor has He wedded such a spirit, but has expressly
repudiated it, as has been shown from the divine Scriptures Nor is this the
heritage of the apostles which they left to their true, not fictitious,
successors. . . . And so by their striving for worldly things, the spouse of Christ
is not truly defended. The recent Roman popes do not defend her who is the
spouse of Christ, that is, the Catholic faith and the multitude of the
believers, but offend her; they do not preserve her beauty, that is, the unity
of the faith, but defile it; since by sowing tares and schisms they are tearing
her limb from limb, and since they do not receive the true companions of
Christ, poverty and humility, but shut them out entirely, they show themselves
not servants but enemies of the husband.
—The Defender of the Faith.